«DEMOCRACY» IN IRAQ

Murders of demonstrators, beatings of journalists and deportation of refugees, who are of no interest for the West

At the background of violently raging “Arab Spring”, news from Iraq has shifted to the background almost by itself. Revolutionary fervor of the Cairo Tahrir Square champions at first, and then Colonel Gaddafi have ousted Iraq from the news. Yet, it turned out that the country that was to become a showcase of democracy in the Arab world, makes a great match for its revolutionary neighbors, in fact. “Democratic” Iraqi authorities arrest journalists and attack demonstrators every bit as zealously as their counterparts from other countries.

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At the background of violently raging “Arab Spring”, news from Iraq has shifted to the background almost by itself. Revolutionary fervor of the Cairo Tahrir Square champions at first, and then Colonel Gaddafi have ousted Iraq from the news. Yet, it turned out that the country that was to become a showcase of democracy in the Arab world, makes a great match for its revolutionary neighbors, in fact. “Democratic” Iraqi authorities arrest journalists and attack demonstrators every bit as zealously as their counterparts from other countries.

Iraqi unfreedom of speech

On the 23^rd of February, 2011, two hours past midnight, Iraqi “commandos” broke into the Baghdad office of Journalism Freedom Observatory (JFO). They’ve seized computers, cameras, phones, documents, bullet-proof jackets and helmets, saying “Media”.

“That was clearly a signal — we have to stop supporting journalists” — JFO Director Ziyad Al-Ajili told Human Rights Watch. Two days from that, security service arrested 300 journalists, lawyers and intellectuals, protesting against corruption and inability of authorities to maintain order in the country. All of them were inspired by Egyptian revolution. Egyptian opposition, just like Iraqi one, has used the modern Internet technologies to organize the anti-governmental resistance. Yet, in Iraq Internet access is utmost limited and only 4 thousand people supported the Day of Wrath. In reality it looked as if no more than two thousand people have hit the streets of each city. Demonstrators demanded jobs, electric energy and clear water.

Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki has warned the Ministers of his government that they will be fired if they fail to meet the people’s demand within 100 days, yet he slyly struck the protesters. Security Service has carried out raids against television and radio channels. In the beginning of March they’ve burst into offices of two oppositional parties. Their quarters were given to Ministry of Defense, which is well-known to be a tough opponent to argue with. 50 demonstrators were beaten and 12 were killed at the Baghdad own Tahrir Square.

Global public opinion was preoccupied with Lybian events at the moment — the USA and the EU were actively condemning Gaddafi’s cruelty, while similar Iraqi events have somehow missed their attention. Since overthrowing of Saddam Hussein in 2003 Americans spent at least half a billion dollars on development of Iraqi media. This money was used to create a pro-American TV-channel Alhurra, designed as a competitor for the famous Al-Jazeera, although this project proved to be unviable. Media mushroomed out in the liberated Iraq, yet they’ve never became subjected to the new authorities. Before the war there were 14 newspapers in Iraq — now it’s 150 of them. Their positions differ in the following way: some of them believe that Americans should leave immediately, others — that they might hesitate a little; some consider Americans to be as bad as Saddam Hussein, others — that they’re a bit better. During the first years of Iraqi occupation Al-Qaida was the main threat for the press media. Today it is democratic U.S.-backed government of Iraq that uses the security service as a mean of communications with media. It was trained by American instructors (how to deal with the media as well). Human Rights Watch reported that Iraqi authorities persecute even those, who criticize them in the Internet.

“Even before the February outbreak of violence, aggravating situation with Iraqi media drew the observers’ attention” — Sherry Ricchiardi (expert of Middle-Eastern media) wrote in her report. Persecutions are still on. In the beginning of April Ali Nabil (leader of a civic protest group) was arrested. He was handcuffed and severely beaten right in the middle of the street.

The very same Human Rights Watch reported about situation in Iraqi Kurdistan. On the 18^th of April, special services operatives in the civvies attacked the peaceful demonstration of students, having beaten the demonstrators, present journalists and oppositional deputy of local parliament in Arbil. 23 people were arrested. During the last two months 150 cases of violence towards journalists were registered.

Exile from the democratic Iraq

Rally of Iraqi people from Camp Ashraf
Photo by STRINGER/IRAQ REUTERS

On the 6^th of May this year Iraqi army attacked Camp Ashraf, lying to the north from Baghdad, in due form of the art of war. 3.5 thousand Iraqi people, belonging to a so-called People’s Mujahedin Organization, lived there. State representative claimed that they will be expulsed from the camp “by any means necessary”. Iraqi military have killed 30 people and injured more than 200. This attack was condemned by the European Union and even U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates (although the USA consider People’s Mujahedin to be a terrorist group), but experience gives us an idea that it won’t go further than mere condemnation.

People’s Mujahedin Organization appeared in the middle of the 60s. Its main goal was overthrowing of Iranian Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and creation of a socialistic Muslim republic. Acting from underground, Mujahedin have committed several acts of terror against American military and engineers in Iran. Today they denounce that, of course. In February of 1979, Mujahedin were the vanguard of Islamic revolution that brought ayatollah Khamenei to power, but afterwards their paths have parted. Iranian secret police was mercilessly destroying Mujahedin, murdering and imprisoning them. In response they’ve been organizing acts of terror. In 1981 they managed to organize the bloodiest act of terror in Iranian history — 70 Iranian top officials, including Prime Minister, President and Chair of the Supreme Court, were killed. 10 years from that, in 1991 Mujahedin conducted a coordinated attack against Iranian embassies in thirteen countries. In the 80s Mujahedin have found an ally — Saddam Hussein who fought against Iran at the moment. That cost them the remains of support at their own motherland. Up until the American invasion in 2003 Hussein supported the organization with money and weapons. Americans have taken the heavy arms away from Mujahedin, yet allowing them to live at the Camp Ashraf. After the 9\11 events Mujahedin denounced the terrorism tactic and started to fight over the international sympathies, addressing the USA as the principal rival of Iran. The European Union has withdrawn them from terrorist list, but the USA hasn’t followed their example, despite the support of certain conservative Congressmen. The more authorities had American occupational administration passed to Iraqi government — the darker were the clouds over the Mujahedin. Their destiny was finally decided when the USA passed the authority over Camp Ashraf to Iraqi leadership in 2009.

Iraqi government is to let the UN decide the fate of Iranians. It is promised that Iraq will take Mujahedin wish to consideration, while choosing the country of their residence. It means that there’s no place for them in Iraq but they at least wouldn’t be given out to Iran. Shahin Ghobadi, representative of Mujahedin in Paris, believes that Camp Ashraf dweller will ask for political asylum in the USA and the EU countries.

Why 3.5 thousand Mujahedin cannot stay in Iraq, who would like to host them in Europe, already overfilled with immigrants from Muslim countries and whether they will be allowed to enter the USA that considers them a terrorist organization remain the questions without answers.

Another, yet even more substantial question — why hasn’t democratic inoculation taken in Iraq — lacks a simple answer, too. Only one thing is clear: selective attitude to the Middle Eastern process makes a sign of a seriously poor political health of the West.